Monday, July 9, 2012

Lettuce Leaf from Fukushima

Fukushima report and its implications for Indian nuclear establishment

The Fukushima nuclear commission report is out. The truism that a nuclear accident somewhere is an accident everywhere has come to haunt the global nuclear industry due to events at Fukushima Daichi reactors in March 2011. It dashed nuclear industries’ hope for a renaissance owing to growing threat from climate change and looming global energy crisis. The Kundakulam troubles of Indian nuclear establishment were triggered by Fukushima is no secret. The low key activist led agitation that had gone there for years suddenly acquired a momentum that is set to ignite a new debate on safety in India’s nuclear plants.

Briefly, the Fukushima report pins blame largely on human error and terms it as disaster Made-in-Japan. The tight government control aided by a culture of secrecy that discouraged intra-organizational dissent led to power producers Tepco colluding with nuclear regulators to ignore safety regulations and never prepared for a disaster. Images of clueless Japanese workers struggling to control the situation, reported disagreement between authorities and utility over acceptable course of action, uncertainty about safety of food and water, a dearth of consistent and reliable information about the unfolding situation pointed to complete lack of safety standards and was an extremely bad exhibit for Japan’s reputation as a nation with sophisticated high-tech economy.

Dr. Kiyoshi Kurokawa, the panel's chairman Japanese culture as a major impediment.

"What must be admitted — very painfully — is that this was a disaster 'Made in Japan'. Its fundamental causes are to be found in the ingrained conventions of Japanese culture: our reflexive obedience; our reluctance to question authority; our devotion to 'sticking with the program.'



The report points out that the Japanese agencies responsible for overseeing nuclear plant safety were housed in the same department as the agency that's responsible for promoting the benefits of the nuclear industry. The Japanese utility, Tepco, dragged its feet on safety improvements because it would interfere with plant operations. There were no plans to evacuate thousands of nearby people who could be endangered in case of a major radiation leak.

Kurokawa continues,

"only by grasping this mindset can one understand how Japan's nuclear industry managed to avoid absorbing the critical lessons learned from Three Mile Island and Chernobyl; and how it became accepted practice to resist regulatory pressure and cover up small-scale accidents."

As Japan limps back to nuclear power by bringing reactors online after shutting them down for safety concern and facing a most sever power crisis in decades global nuclear industry begins to absorb Fukushima lessons.

What it means for Indian nuclear industry is important to grasp in the light of events Fukushima triggered in India. Kundakulam agitation being the most notable event. Apart from anti-nuclear energy activism surge, it brought PIL in Indian supreme court against nuclear industry led by NPCIL , a government owned PSU under the department of Atomic Energy.

The lack of nuclear literacy for which government is solely responsible is likely to impede the growth of nuclear power generation affecting five year plan targets of booting up nuclear power generation to 20,000MW by 2020. Upcoming projects at Jaitapur and other places will face resistance from public which may be led by ideologues and other vested interests as happened in Kundakulam. The legitimate concerns of public about safety of nuclear reactors can be exploited by a host of vested interests, both with local and global agenda and can become an incomprehensible cauldron of competing interests. All to the detriment of india’s energy security.

Government of India needs to quickly move to put nuclear safety education for public on institutional framework. This apart from resolving regulatory issues like having an independent Nuclear Regulatory Authority not under the tutelage of atomic energy commission are urgent steps needed. The stakeholders like media, public, regulatory agencies and global institutions i.e IAEA need to be brought together in a sustatined dialogue to improve public confidence in nuclear power.

This blog has been continuously following the developments in Indian nuclear sector post Fukushima ans reported on issues. Lately the new BARC chief has Dr Kausik Basu has expressed need for public outreach to promote nuclear energy. But the lack of urgency is evident in DAE as it is a mammoth scientific bureaucracy unsuited for tackling the challenges arising from globalization of nuclear power industry. The nuclear culture of DAE too is Made in Japan. There is very little information available in public domain about nuclear safety standards and protocols followed by India’s nuclear power plants. Security concerns ultimately trump every effort at transparency. But this will not do. Because nuclear accidents are not local as shown by Chernobyl, Three miles Island and now Fukushima. The public outreach and de-mystification of nuclear industry’s secrecy laden culture is essential if nuclear energy is to be a viable option to tackle growing energy crisis.

Atomic energy establishment needs to come up with an open awareness program focused at various segments of stake holders to pre-empt Kundakulam like agitations. Public demand in the events of disasters or otherwise will be simple and straight about safety of food and water like the exasperated US Ambassador in IAEA meeting at Vienna in April told the gathering that the world wanted to know if it was safe to eat lettuce leaf from Fukushima.





Wednesday, April 18, 2012

IDSA-MEA Seminar- UPA II ‘s controlled blunders.

No one would take a government sponsored seminar seriously unless some minister inaugurated it and stayed back to listen to the key note speeches. But IDSA (www.idsa.in) and Ministry of External Affairs sponsored seminar yesterday wasn’t an ordinary one as the keynote speech was delivered by Foreign Secretary ,Ranjan Mathai himself.
The seminar on strategic export controls gave ample insight into the policy paralysis in the government. Sadly it is now toxically infecting India’s strategic choices too.
Ranjan Mathai spoke about India’s desire to join global export control regimes which was supposed to come to us as a happy bonus after inking Indo-US nuclear deal. But that has been craftily denied by global technology and armament cartels. So having been disappointed in strategic game, Manmohan Singh goes local and extends hand to pick the low hanging fruit (?) called Indo-Pak détente.
The seminar was addressed by top officials from DGFT, Deptt of Atomic Energy and Customs amongst others. The audience mainly comprised of retired diplomats and armed forces generals. Also present were he invitees from US , Japan and Korean governments.
Indian government officials seem to be speaking from same power point slides on exports controls as SCOMET List expertise is now a password to high policy table. DGFT stated that they do no enforcement on SCOMET exports and outsource it completely to Customs. Even though amended FTDR Act gives it powers far more draconian than the Customs Act. When pointed about the dilution of anti-proliferation rules by the government of India in the form of DGFT issued notifications 93 and 53 0f 2012, it was denied that there was any dilution of rules. The notification 93 allows SCOMET exports into India’s Special Economic Zones without an export license virtually rendering the SCOMET list a redundant piece of executive order. The speaker from Customs department rightly pointed to Custom Acts’ revenue centric approach to border controls making non-proliferation legislations a practically unenforceable proposition. Though Customs department didn’t remember how their first SCOMET enforcement case prior to US assault of Iraq terrified the Indian business. The case of Delhi based exporter NEC Engineer is landmark in how not to enforce export controls. The speaker from Deptt of Atomic Energy also appeared more knowledgeable on SCOMET list than the controls on atomic energy related materials. Notification 53 needs to be contested by Deptt of Atomic Energy to safeguard India’s energy security.
CII representative made an eloquent case for liberalizing defense export policy to boot up India’s growing military Industry but any defense related thoughts gives UPA a nightmare and defense exports through public-private partnership that it so wisely initiated also is now an uncared orphan.
 It is matter of concern that the upcoming PIL in Supreme Court of India will declare the ‘catch-all’ sections of WMD Act unconstitutional in national interest. Courts now seem to be the last resort to rectify every misbegotten act of India’s ruling dispensation. Political class can be exonerated here as export controls are an exotic topic reserved for retired and serving civil military officialdom. The hapless Indian tax payer can always be trusted to fund their conference tickets to seminars like yesterday at IDSA.
The world is noticing India’s ‘two steps ahead and one back’ approach in strategic trade control matters. A national policy debate is long overdue on this matter. Hopefully once again, the Supreme court may show the path.
Varsha Bisht. Chief -Editor

Wednesday, February 8, 2012

India dilutes anti-proliferation rules.

The SCOMET list , notified under the amended Foreign Trade Development and Regulation Act of 1992 reflects India’s commitment to global anti-proliferation efforts. Together with other supportive legislations i.e Weapons of mass destruction Act 2005, the list regulates import and export of dual use technologies. Dual use goods and services are classifies as those tradable that are needed for making common consumer and capital goods but also weapons and munitions including atomic and biological ones.
Notification 93 of 6th January 2012 http://164.100.9.245/Exim/2000/NOT/NOT11/not9310.pdf issued by the Director general of Foreign Trade dilutes these rules in favor of companies operative in India’s special economic zones(SEZ). SEZs are meant to be future power houses of it export economy. Earlier, exporters needed export licenses to supply into SEZ based factories. This requirement has been now dispensed with after the notification 93 came in force. Though the requirement of export licensing for shipments from SEZs remains, the catch lies in liberal border controls that Indian customs administers in case of SEZ exporters. Goods stuffed out of SEZ factories do not require as rigorous customs examination at their port of exports as those arriving from domestic tariff zones. This is likely to increase the incentive for mis-declaration of dual use goods that can be shipped out without export licenses.
The strengthening of export controls that happened during negotiations leading to Indo-US nuclear deal in 2006 had started hurting the free flow of high-technology exports. To ease that pressure , government has now given them a breather through notification 93. Any measure violations ,if noticed in future, of anti-proliferation measures is likely to put the Government under international pressure particularly when its nuclear program is now under greater global scrutiny due to expanding civilian nuclear energy sector.